Authors Charles Hurst and David McConnell on An Amish Paradox

I recently read a book I’d been looking forward to for a long time. An Amish Paradox: Diversity and Change in the World’s Largest Amish Community is an in-depth look at the Amish settlement at Holmes County, Ohio, and one of the most interesting books on the Amish I have read.

In Ohio last month I had the pleasure of meeting the book’s authors, Charles Hurst, emeritus professor of sociology at the College of Wooster, and David McConnell, professor of anthropology also at the College of Wooster.  The authors have agreed to answer a few questions for Amish America about their book and the Holmes County community.

Amish America: What were some of the challenges in researching and writing An Amish Paradox?

Charles Hurst and David McConnell: The Holmes County settlement is not only the largest Amish community in the world, but also the most complex. So one of our first concerns was to make sure we were accurate in our descriptions and analyses of the community.

To ensure the validity of our portrait, used multiple data sources, interviewing over 200 persons, sending out two questionnaires to Amish and ex-Amish, analyzing numerous Amish documents, and observing in Amish classrooms, at weddings, and other events. Reconciling conflicting comments often necessitated repeat conversations with many of our informants.

A second challenge was to balance the need for conveying the complexity of the Amish community and its culture with the need to make the text understandable to the average reader.

A third test was to cover all the important aspects of the community so that we did not miss anything major. Consequently, before we submitted our manuscript to the publisher, we had several Amish and other well-known Amish researchers read through it to identify any errors of fact or omission, misinterpretations, or faulty language.

A final difficulty was to keep in mind the need to balance empathy and feelings about the Amish community with our objectivity as social scientists. Consequently, we did not avoid presenting information that may have proven to be embarrassing or that might cast a negative shadow over aspects of Amish life. We tried to present a complete, truthful, whole portrait, including the positive as well as the negative.

Amish America: What observations or revelations surprised you most in studying the Holmes County Amish?

Hurst and McConnell: During seven years of fieldwork for this book, we encountered numerous surprises. One of the biggest was the degree of cooperation and openness the Amish extended to us. We expected a “closed” community to be less forthcoming, but once we gained their trust, many Amish individuals readily shared their views and experiences with us. The friendships we’ve made with the Amish have been among the most rewarding aspects of our research.

 

The changing work scene also caught us by surprise. We didn’t realize how few men were involved in full-time farming and how vulnerable the Amish were to economic fluctuations when dependent on outside employment. Nor did we expect Amish businesses to be so successful in marketing their goods and competing effectively with English businesses. The dynamic and creative ways in which Amish approach technology were also revelatory. One surprising implication of the success of Amish cottage industries is the extent to which new kinds of leisure activities and what we call “Amish-style consumerism” have taken hold in many Amish communities.

Finally, the diversity we encountered among the Holmes County Amish was mind-boggling, and it showed up in virtually every arena of life. We were surprised, for example, at the frequency of church divisions and the mix of factors (personalities, technology use, doctrinal interpretation) that gave rise to church schism. The sharp variation in attitudes towards rumspringa held by the Amish and the extent to which control of the young people has factored in church conflicts also stood out.

Moreover, we were amazed at the diverse educational choices Amish make, including parochial schooling, public schooling, and home schooling—and at how a number of local public elementary schools have successfully recruited and retained Amish students. Even among the ex-Amish we surveyed, motives for leaving varied greatly, including a number who said they left the Amish because they wanted a more intense and personal religious experience.

Amish America: On the point of education, we typically picture the Amish attending their own parochial schools. In Lancaster County, for instance, nearly all if not all Amish children attend such traditional Amish (or Amish/Mennonite) operated schools.

But in Holmes County, as you describe, public school attendance by Amish children is significant. Could you explain why a sizeable minority of Holmes County Amish choose to send their children to public schools? And what are the implications of that?

Hurst and McConnell: We found that more than one-third of our Amish interviewees had attended public schools for at least some time during their eight years of formal schooling. In a few cases cost plays a role: a family may not want to pay parochial school fees in addition to local property taxes which support the public schools. Lack of proximity to a parochial school can also be a factor. But we discovered that neither cost nor distance seemed to be the real issue.

Instead, the reasons parents gave for sending their children to public schools had more to do with preparing them for a world of ever-increasing contact with the English. Many felt that Amish “scholars” learned to speak English more fluently in public schools and learned other skills that would help them navigate the changing “work scene” when they grew older.

Of course, the hidden curriculum in public schools also teaches competition, individualism, nationalism, scientific modes of thought, and other values that are incompatible with Amish sensibilities. As a result, many Amish parents opted for a “straddling approach,” sending their children to public schools for the first few years and then switching them to the parochial schools around third or fourth grade.

We also found a long tradition of attending and supporting public elementary schools among some families in the settlement. But Amish attendance in public schools is not only a function of “push” from the Amish side; it also involves “pull” from public school principals, teachers, and administrators. Many go to great lengths to cater to the Amish, since they receive money from the state based on student enrollment.

The implications of public school attendance among the Amish are several. For Amish parents, it can be a controversial decision because there is informal pressure to support the parochial schools. One father told us, “You have to be discreet about it. It can be a sore spot.” There are other risks as well. Though we did not collect data on this in our study, John Meyers found that rates of defection in Indiana’s Elkhart-Lagrange Settlement were higher among Amish children who had attended public schools.

Overall, though, we were impressed by the relative silence of church Ordnung on the issue of school choice, which has allowed a variety of educational accommodations to play out. In a sense, church leaders are walking a tightrope, on both sides of which are hazards. Maintaining control over education ensures continuity of Amish lifestyles, but there is also a pragmatic concern with giving children an education that will serve them well economically in a changing occupational and technological context.

Amish America: Diversity is a key theme of An Amish Paradox, and you detail in much depth the differences between the major affiliations (Old Order, New Order, Andy Weaver, Swartzentruber) in Holmes County. We English have our own perceptions of the Amish. But could you comment on how Amish view one another? And what role does group affiliation, or ‘order’, play in the Amish sense of identity?

Hurst and McConnell: This is a really good question, and it is a very important one that we try to address in our book.

On the one hand, all Amish recognize the many values they share, such as adult baptism, plain dress, limits on educational and job opportunities, and restrictions on technology, including ownership of cars and using power from the grid in their homes—all of which stem from a Biblically-based commitment to non-conformity and to the spirit of gelassenheit. The continued vitality of their mother tongue, Pennsylvania German, and the shared history of persecution in Europe also create a powerful sense of shared identity. We believe that this considerable stock of shared heritage and common outlook has created one of the most remarkable stories of cultural persistence in American history, perhaps in the world.

At the same time, the Amish are acutely aware of intra-group differences.The details of church schism and internal diversity are often glossed over by outsiders, but we believe they must be understood in order to get an accurate picture of the Amish. We view Amish affiliations as similar to status groups in the Weberian sense; that is, a ‘specific style of life is expected from all those who wish to belong to the circle”. The most telling example of this “internal cultural boundary maintenance” is marriage: it’s commonly known that one must “marry Amish to stay Amish,” but the pressure to marry within one’s affiliation is also very strong.

The affiliation to which one belongs also has implications for attitudes and practices surrounding such things as mission work, rumspringa, and shunning and excommunication. We also found that the social gulf between the Swartzentrubers and other affiliations was particularly wide, with many “higher” groups criticizing their adherence to “man-made traditions,” while the Swartzentrubers, for their part, felt that other groups had succumbed to “worldly drift”.

Even though church schism and group affiliation have cast a long shadow over Amish life in the settlement, there many contexts in which Amish live, work and go to school with Amish from other affiliations. As one Old Order man told us, “We don’t think, ‘Just because he’s Andy Weaver, I’m not going to sit next to him’”.

Like many other Amish scholars, then, we see Amish identity in plural terms and recognize that the Amish accentuate their shared identity in some contexts and downplay it in others. Thomas Meyer’s and Steven Nolt’s image of Amish culture as a patchwork quilt that combines different shapes and colors with a common thread neatly captures this diversity amidst unity, though perhaps not the accompanying tensions.

Amish America: In comparison to the Old Order Amish, the New Order Amish are often perceived as being more progressive. But you make the point that in fact, in some ways they are more progressive, and in other ways more traditional. Could you explain?

Hurst and McConnell: The notion of an “Anabaptist escalator,” to borrow Donald Kraybill’s term, is a useful shorthand for placing different Amish groups on a continuum. In general, the lower, or more conservative, churches observe stricter discipline and separation from the world, whereas the higher, or more liberal, affiliations have made more compromises with technology and are more integrated with English society.

One of the interesting features of the Holmes County Settlement is that the main body of the Old Order Amish is “sandwiched” by sizeable conservative (the Swartzentrubers and the Andy Weavers) and liberal (the New Orders) affiliations on either end of the spectrum.

But the idea that all Amish groups can be placed on a single continuum also oversimplifies reality, and the New Order provide a case in point. In most cases, they are technologically progressive but doctrinally and morally conservative. For example, the New Order will accept travel by plane, phones in the home, air in their tractor tires, and more bells and whistles on their buggies, yet they are much more restrictive on courtship, smoking and alcohol consumption than are many Old Order. New Order parents were the first to reform the “singings,” which had become synonymous with parties in many church districts, and to exercise more control over the lives of their teenagers during the rumspringa period. In general, the New Order have developed a reputation for “clean living”.

The New Order example reminds us that that there are many different dimensions, or criteria, by which one can compare Amish affiliations. Our own notions of what is “liberal” and what is “conservative” don’t always capture the complexities of Amish practices in a useful way.

Today, part 2 of the interview with professors Hurst and McConnell, on their new book on the Holmes County Amish, An Amish Paradox: Diversity and Change in the World’s Largest Amish Community.   If you missed the first part, or would like to find out how to enter a drawing to win the book, check out Part 1 of the Amish Paradox interview.

Today we discuss Amish women, the Amish approach to health care, and how Amish have dealt with technology and occupational change.

Amish America: The Amish are often seen as being a static culture, but as you demonstrate, do in fact adapt and evolve over time. In what general ways are Amish in Holmes County experiencing change?

Charles Hurst and David McConnell: Like any group, the Amish have to respond to internal and external pressures imposed upon them. Because their population doubles about every 20 years and because the cost of land for farming has increased significantly, the Amish have had to seek out new enterprises and occupations in spite of their traditional attachment to farming. Micro-enterprises such as furniture making, machine repair, lumber yards, fabric shops, etc. have been a result of these pressures. Many cater to the increasing numbers of tourists that frequent their community. In addition, rather than being self-employed, many Amish work for English and Amish employers in a variety of businesses. These jobs often take them away from their homes during the workday.

The selection of appropriate occupations is constrained by the values and traditions of their community. Consequently, the range of acceptable occupations is generally narrow, especially for the more conservative affiliations. The worry among some Amish that they may be straying too far from their traditional occupation, has resulted in an increase in the number of organic farms.

The pressure to find acceptable occupations is especially acute for the younger generation, and parents worry about what their children will do for a living. This reverberates in the education their parents think their children ought to receive. A changing proportion of children attend parochial and public schools, while some are home schooled.

Technology is another factor that has instigated change. Computers and cell phones have infiltrated some Amish businesses, and the traditional Amish concern for efficiency has lead to them being leaders in the use of solar energy. Some Amish businessmen have become more media and Internet savvy so that they can compete more effectively in the marketplace.

Medicine is another area that has been affected by higher costs and concerns for efficiency. Increasingly, Amish negotiate lower costs for health care, which often means that they will travel to those places that will reduce prices, and will accept new technologies if they prove to be effective and economically reasonable.
The amount of wealth held by the Amish has grown significantly and is a cause of concern for them because of the temptations it creates and the potential danger it poses for cohesion in their community. There is the possibility of incipient social classes developing further, creating fractures in their community.

The clashing of tradition, increased population, and all the outside pressures mentioned has led to varied responses within the Amish community, resulting in greater internal diversity.

Amish America: Speaking of medicine, you examine the Amish approach to health care in a very interesting chapter. Could you share a bit on the Amish approach and attitudes to medical treatment, and how that may differ from the non-Amish approach?

Hurst and McConnell: Generally, the Amish approach to health care is to use it only when it is clearly needed. This approach is driven by concerns for cost, the belief that the family comes first, and the hesitancy to use methods that, based on their experience, may or may not be effective. Access is less of a problem.

The results that flow from this approach include the use of less preventive medicine such as annual checkups than is found among the English. They are also more likely than the English to use alternative medicine or traditional remedies because they are usually less costly, are readily available, and have seemed to prove effective in the past for themselves or relatives. And often a remedy will claim to be effective for a variety of ailments and will seem to make common sense, which have appeal for the Amish. A greater proportion of Amish women than English women will use more natural birthing methods as well.

The many health care professionals we spoke with praised their Amish patients because they pay their bills on time and no third party such as an insurance company is involved. They are also less likely than English patients to sue their provider. Some physicians also thought that Amish patients are often more tolerant of pain, but this is a two-edged sword. On the one hand, they will not complain as readily, but on the other it means that they will often wait until the problem is worse before they see the health care provider.

Finally, the Amish tend to be more accepting of terminal illnesses, and resign themselves more readily to the fact that a disease will lead to death. In this case, they put their lives in God’s hands, and are less likely than English patients to indulge in expensive treatments that may not be successful. They do this with the realization that high costs affect the whole family, and the family has priority.

Amish America: Can you comment on what you discovered on the position of women in Amish society?

Hurst and McConnell: We interviewed a large number of Amish women who had joined the church as well as a few who had left the Amish. Among members, despite personality differences, there is surprising unanimity in how they interpret their positions in the Amish community. Formally and objectively, men are the heads of the households, hold committee and church positions, and make the final decisions in matters of significance. In practice and in daily life, however, women appear to be more influential.

The women we interviewed did not see themselves as doormats under the feet of their husbands, and generally thought their relationships with their husbands were close to ideal. Their interpretation of their position contradicts the popular stereotype that they are dominated by their spouses, despite the fact that occasionally a woman would cite another woman who was controlled fully by her husband. Almost all the women we spoke with saw themselves as partners with their husband with whom they shared decision making. While there is a clear division of labor along gender lines, husbands and wives help each other with many tasks.

Women see their tasks as important, and some men even said that what their wives did with respect to family and nurturance was more important than what they did in their occupations. In the routine practices of daily life, women make an impact, and interpret their positions in a way that helps to negate any lack of formal power they may experience.

To the extent that power means a sense of security, almost all of the Amish women in our study felt they had a freedom from many of the worries that occupy English women. They know their husbands will provide for their families, and not divorce them, and that they will not have to worry about the employment-related problems faced by many English women. Consequently, Amish women who have opted to join the church see themselves as better off than English women.

Amish America: You refer in the book to the idea of an “Amish crucible”. Can explain what you mean by the term?

Hurst and McConnell: The dictionary defines a “crucible” as a container within which materials are subjected to a severe trial or test resulting in a change in the materials. Like any container, the Amish form a tight community with fairly clear boundaries that separates them from the wider society. As with a crucible, within the confines of Amish cultural walls, conflicting internal and external forces activate tensions that instigate change among individuals and groups. Among these tensions are variations in views of tradition, community values vs. individual interests, and needs for freedom vs. security. These forces and tensions ultimately lead to economic, educational and other diversities.

Amish America: What kind of feedback have you gotten from Amish on the book?

Hurst and McConnell: The feedback we received from nearly a dozen Amish individuals who read all or parts of the manuscript before the book went to press was very positive.

Many were excited to read what they considered to be the first in-depth study of the Holmes County Settlement and felt that, unlike other accounts that glide along the surface, ours captured in great detail both the diversity and the dynamic changes in the settlement.

One Old Order friend of ours did comment that it was hard for him to read about some of the shortcomings of Amish life, especially church schism, but that we had done a good job of striking a non-judgmental tone.

Since publication, the comments we’ve received from Amish readers have also been very upbeat. Though a few have corrected us on very minor details, the majority have expressed their gratitude for a book that is based on long-term, in-depth research and gets the facts right.

They also appreciate a book that focuses on the Holmes County Settlement rather than their more famous cousins in Lancaster and Elkhart-Lagrange. At a book-signing with Erik at the German Village in Berlin a few weeks ago, we were pleasantly surprised to find that the majority of those who stopped by to purchase the book were Amish—and they seemed eager to talk about many of the issues we raise in the book.